Duterte's SONA 2017: State of the Nation's
By Camille Joyce M. Lisay | 24 July 2017
Several issues were brought to the fore, but one thing that stands out from the recent State of the Nation Address (SONA) last July 17 was that Pres. Rodrigo Duterte let out his bitter criticism while lacking an unclinical dissection of the nation’s true state of affairs, all while glorifying himself in an opening salvo. It was a speech neither devoid of any sense, nor sensemaking - but it was also neither faithful to the country's ailing condition nor inspiring to the public. It was a report that taps at the issues closest to his heart, and all else did not seem to matter.
Therefore, we place his second SONA somewhere in the realm of innuendo, insinuation, and speculation. While the opposition doubts Duterte's full possession of mental capacities to administer nationbuilding, being the loudest critics since Day 0 of the President, everything about his presidency pushes the stark reality to our consciousness - that the frustration of the electorate for an insatiable desire for change propelled somebody as absurd as Duterte into power - exposing the deepest fault lines of our democracy.
His presidency is going against the tide of history. His unconventional policies – war on drugs, military modernization, death penalty are hounded by the international community from both ends of the world. But while he hates talking about human rights issues in light of the reported 3,000 deaths from extra-judicial killings since he occupied the Malacanang, his survey ratings are growing steadily at 82% - one which he never forgot to mention in his second SONA.
The survey ratings are not a sham – his presidency sails on a crest of strong public indignation against the rising tide of restlessness and rage of the people. His frustration to focus on duty in fits and starts are something projected by the media, and something he brands himself as – which was what the people thought a leader they badly need. The media likes to focus on the spectacle of his adrenaline rush in the podium – to throw tantrums, to shout putang ina mo and gago ka to whoever pisses him off – all while his policies unerringly pass into the dustbin of history.
Provided – yes, Duterte mentioned key issues such as Mindanao rebellion, Marawi criss, mining, and war on drugs – but, really, who else did not notice how corrupt value systems were mentioned in his speech with profuse adulation, if not promoted? Let us raise four points.
First point was Duterte’s idiosyncrasies. Of course, of course, one expects him to shout putang ina mo, gago ka, pisting yawa and all those curses that make his speeches more entertaining, because that’s what makes him Duterte. His distinct Bisayan accent makes it all the more sound genuine, giving an impression that he means what he says – which it really is.
However, while all these things mean little on their own, but they do not occur in isolation – Duterte’s idiosyncrasies are part of a larger representational structure that cuts across several sectors of the society, represented in particular ways. Remember Trump. The question though, is, does this infringe the prevailing moral standards?
This is where the second point comes in. That the concept of infidelity – when he implied that congressmen having second families are part of the normalcy, that the concept of human rights are alien when drugs are cooking brains dead to deem criminals not humans, and that the concept of killing being normalized in light of criminogenic practices being celebrated within the Philippine National Police (PNP) are already hardening into conventional wisdom. This is not to say that these were the only points mentioned and implied in his second SONA.
To protect the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the PNP at all costs, and to say that they are almost beyond the pale of the law in executing his Oplan Tokhang, is something that should alarm the public. The country under this administration is dangerously sliding to the brink of a social upheaval. Duterte is on his first year yet, and five years more in his term is remaining. His second SONA was but a reminder to us all that this President would be willing to take us all off a moral cliff that devalues life, and with the lives that have already ended from his bloody war on drugs is our generation’s task that does not end.
Third point was self-glorification. His SONA was not a true report of the state of our nation, but the state of his mind. Duterte came up with 50 first promises on his first SONA last year, which was met by grudging respect from both sides of adversaries and friends. His second SONA indeed mentioned the progress of his 50 first promises, but this progress is felt excruciatingly slow by the public – while Duterte retorts that hindi siya masyadong bilib sa trabahong ito, referring to Presidency.
His second SONA was not addressed to the Filipino nation – but to his critics. Unmoved by the warnings of his critics to hold him accountable for extra-judicial killings, he resorts to propaganda onslaught by saying, “You know, huwag ninyo akong takot-takutin niyang preso 'yung international court of justice. S***, I am willing to go to prison for the rest of my life. Ang importante sa akin ginagawa ko 'yung gusto ko.”
Duterte hits a sore spot on his political armor – that he would be willing to go to prison in instituting a series of draconian measures. This is a President that our country does not need, but our country nonetheless elected into power. He treats his presidential powers as absolute, so much so that he thinks he is beyond the reach of the law.
This is why, it is important to raise this point: that his intolerance to dissent poses danger to all of us. With all the points raised above, this leaves no room for doubt that he may soon criminalize differences in political opinion. Senator Leila de Lima, is an example – and may not be the last to get criminalized for being a fierce critic.
The socio-political environment in this country is evolving, but the volatility of this man’s attitude are signs of a massive debacle. A small sign of dissent easily provokes a sense of utter outrage from Duterte, and we may all deem his administration long compromised. His eagerness to pursue peace talks with the CPP-NPA-NDF on his first year shifted into rage in his second SONA when he hinted at refusing to pursue talks with the red insurgents, calling their founder Jose Maria Sison names.
Anyone in their rational mind would know something is wrong with this man, but this man is our President. He was true in saying he was elected by [plurality], so however disparate his frame of mind is, we can only criticize and protest from afar. In whatever way Duterte chooses to cross a moral line to serve his point, we can rely on the driving force of an incipient grass roots movement to pursue the task of nationbuilding, if he falls shorts of his promises and fails to fulfill his duties.
Our government reveals a veritable chamber of horrors. The legislative and judiciary could have counterbalanced and constrained the tremendous power vested in the executive, but we’ve witnessed so much on his first year to know that his Presidency exposed that political alliances are never about principles, but convenience. This tells us much more about the profound structural dilemma that our generation has to confront, rather than a task we have to leave for the older generations to fix.
The country needs fixing. However we want to make sense of Duterte, or his government, or our dear politicians, we can’t. Because there is no sense in realizing the depths to which public morality has sunk in this nation, with corruption happening everyday in our lives upfront without shame. This is why, his second SONA – and the remaining SONAs to be heard in the years to come, should be a living reminder to us all that: the task of nationbuilding is not something we can rely on the President, on the government, or on the authorities. It our generation’s task, and we should get started now.
Therefore, we place his second SONA somewhere in the realm of innuendo, insinuation, and speculation. While the opposition doubts Duterte's full possession of mental capacities to administer nationbuilding, being the loudest critics since Day 0 of the President, everything about his presidency pushes the stark reality to our consciousness - that the frustration of the electorate for an insatiable desire for change propelled somebody as absurd as Duterte into power - exposing the deepest fault lines of our democracy.
His presidency is going against the tide of history. His unconventional policies – war on drugs, military modernization, death penalty are hounded by the international community from both ends of the world. But while he hates talking about human rights issues in light of the reported 3,000 deaths from extra-judicial killings since he occupied the Malacanang, his survey ratings are growing steadily at 82% - one which he never forgot to mention in his second SONA.
The survey ratings are not a sham – his presidency sails on a crest of strong public indignation against the rising tide of restlessness and rage of the people. His frustration to focus on duty in fits and starts are something projected by the media, and something he brands himself as – which was what the people thought a leader they badly need. The media likes to focus on the spectacle of his adrenaline rush in the podium – to throw tantrums, to shout putang ina mo and gago ka to whoever pisses him off – all while his policies unerringly pass into the dustbin of history.
Provided – yes, Duterte mentioned key issues such as Mindanao rebellion, Marawi criss, mining, and war on drugs – but, really, who else did not notice how corrupt value systems were mentioned in his speech with profuse adulation, if not promoted? Let us raise four points.
First point was Duterte’s idiosyncrasies. Of course, of course, one expects him to shout putang ina mo, gago ka, pisting yawa and all those curses that make his speeches more entertaining, because that’s what makes him Duterte. His distinct Bisayan accent makes it all the more sound genuine, giving an impression that he means what he says – which it really is.
However, while all these things mean little on their own, but they do not occur in isolation – Duterte’s idiosyncrasies are part of a larger representational structure that cuts across several sectors of the society, represented in particular ways. Remember Trump. The question though, is, does this infringe the prevailing moral standards?
This is where the second point comes in. That the concept of infidelity – when he implied that congressmen having second families are part of the normalcy, that the concept of human rights are alien when drugs are cooking brains dead to deem criminals not humans, and that the concept of killing being normalized in light of criminogenic practices being celebrated within the Philippine National Police (PNP) are already hardening into conventional wisdom. This is not to say that these were the only points mentioned and implied in his second SONA.
To protect the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the PNP at all costs, and to say that they are almost beyond the pale of the law in executing his Oplan Tokhang, is something that should alarm the public. The country under this administration is dangerously sliding to the brink of a social upheaval. Duterte is on his first year yet, and five years more in his term is remaining. His second SONA was but a reminder to us all that this President would be willing to take us all off a moral cliff that devalues life, and with the lives that have already ended from his bloody war on drugs is our generation’s task that does not end.
Third point was self-glorification. His SONA was not a true report of the state of our nation, but the state of his mind. Duterte came up with 50 first promises on his first SONA last year, which was met by grudging respect from both sides of adversaries and friends. His second SONA indeed mentioned the progress of his 50 first promises, but this progress is felt excruciatingly slow by the public – while Duterte retorts that hindi siya masyadong bilib sa trabahong ito, referring to Presidency.
His second SONA was not addressed to the Filipino nation – but to his critics. Unmoved by the warnings of his critics to hold him accountable for extra-judicial killings, he resorts to propaganda onslaught by saying, “You know, huwag ninyo akong takot-takutin niyang preso 'yung international court of justice. S***, I am willing to go to prison for the rest of my life. Ang importante sa akin ginagawa ko 'yung gusto ko.”
Duterte hits a sore spot on his political armor – that he would be willing to go to prison in instituting a series of draconian measures. This is a President that our country does not need, but our country nonetheless elected into power. He treats his presidential powers as absolute, so much so that he thinks he is beyond the reach of the law.
This is why, it is important to raise this point: that his intolerance to dissent poses danger to all of us. With all the points raised above, this leaves no room for doubt that he may soon criminalize differences in political opinion. Senator Leila de Lima, is an example – and may not be the last to get criminalized for being a fierce critic.
The socio-political environment in this country is evolving, but the volatility of this man’s attitude are signs of a massive debacle. A small sign of dissent easily provokes a sense of utter outrage from Duterte, and we may all deem his administration long compromised. His eagerness to pursue peace talks with the CPP-NPA-NDF on his first year shifted into rage in his second SONA when he hinted at refusing to pursue talks with the red insurgents, calling their founder Jose Maria Sison names.
Anyone in their rational mind would know something is wrong with this man, but this man is our President. He was true in saying he was elected by [plurality], so however disparate his frame of mind is, we can only criticize and protest from afar. In whatever way Duterte chooses to cross a moral line to serve his point, we can rely on the driving force of an incipient grass roots movement to pursue the task of nationbuilding, if he falls shorts of his promises and fails to fulfill his duties.
Our government reveals a veritable chamber of horrors. The legislative and judiciary could have counterbalanced and constrained the tremendous power vested in the executive, but we’ve witnessed so much on his first year to know that his Presidency exposed that political alliances are never about principles, but convenience. This tells us much more about the profound structural dilemma that our generation has to confront, rather than a task we have to leave for the older generations to fix.
The country needs fixing. However we want to make sense of Duterte, or his government, or our dear politicians, we can’t. Because there is no sense in realizing the depths to which public morality has sunk in this nation, with corruption happening everyday in our lives upfront without shame. This is why, his second SONA – and the remaining SONAs to be heard in the years to come, should be a living reminder to us all that: the task of nationbuilding is not something we can rely on the President, on the government, or on the authorities. It our generation’s task, and we should get started now.
